Nigeria's ex-central bank governor, Lamido Sanusi, has been officially confirmed as Emir of Kano in a coronation ceremony in the northern state.
The coronation on Saturday attracted high-profile personalities and former presidents of Nigeria, but there were no representatives of the current government.
Sanusi was named Emir of Kano in June 2014, making an outspoken government critic one of the most influential leaders in the largely Muslim north.
The Emir of Kano is seen as Nigeria's second-highest Muslim authority.
During Saturday's ceremony in Kano - the main city of the state - Sanusi reiterated his commitment to serve his people diligently. He said he would serve the emirate in accordance with Islamic teachings, adding that he would serve everyone "irrespective of religious differences".
Security forces manned major road junctions as Sanusi rode on horseback in a colourful procession through the city that has has suffered a string of bomb attacks blamed on the armed group Boko Haram.
Sanusi's switch from the offices of the capital Abuja to the palace in Kano will make him a central player in the country's struggle to defeat the group.
Boko Haram fighters have set their sights on toppling the traditional Muslim hierarchy, accusing it of failing to enforce what they see as their true interpretation of the Quran.
Sanusi has previously strongly spoken out against the group.
Sanusi, who gained international acclaim for his work in reforming Nigeria's banking sector, was suspended from his post at the bank in February 2014 by President Goodluck Jonathan in a decision that alarmed international investors.
He was suspended after presenting parliament with evidence that the state oil firm Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) had failed to pay $20bn into federal coffers.
The Emirate of Kano was one of the great Islamic empires that dotted the Sahara from medieval times, profiting from caravan routes connecting Africa's interior with its Mediterranean coast.
Former colonial ruler Britain kept most of the northern hierarchy in place and the emirate continued to hold sway over the largely underdeveloped region after independence in 1960.
African Nations Cup hosts Equatorial Guinea ended their tournament on a low note as they lost the third-place playoff 4-2 on penalties after drawing 0-0 with Democratic Republic of Congo.
Javier Balboa and Raul Fabiani both missed with poor spot kicks, while all four DR Congo penalty takers found the net, with Cedric Mongongu firing home the decisive kick.
Although supporters largely stayed away from the playoff after the fan violence that marked Equatorial Guinea's semi-final defeat to Ghana on Thursday, those in attendance created a fitting atmosphere for the hosts' final match.
DR Congo and Equatorial Guinea were beaten by Ivory Coast and Ghana respectively in the semi-finals, that pair will meet on Sunday evening in Bata in the final.
Nigeria's presidential election is hanging in the balance as the country's electoral commission meets with electoral commissioners to discuss the possible postponement of the February 14 presidential and legislative elections for six weeks.
A closed-door meeting was being held on Saturday at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in Abuja, Nigeria's capital, between the INEC, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), its main contender, the All Progressives Congress (APC), other opposition parties.
National security advisor Sambo Dasuk initiated the discussions after sending a letter to INEC to postpone the election over concerns that the military would not be able to adequately provide security for the election.
Officials in President Goodluck Jonathan's administration have been calling for a postponement amid continuing violence as the country battles the armed group Boko Haram.
INEC chairman Attahiru Jega has been under mounting pressure to delay polling because of increased fears about the distribution of permanent voter cards to 68.8 million registered electors in Africa's most populated country.
About 40 percent of voter cards have not yet been issued to the registered voters.
Al Jazeera's Mohamed Adow, reporting from Lagos, said that people who are lobbying for a postponement say that these problems affect entire states and that if elections are held now, it will not adequately reflect the will of the people.
Officials from at least three states in the country's northeast say they have been been affected by weeks of attacks by the country's armed group Boko Haram.
Jega has repeatedly ruled out a date change, even after the issue was raised this week at a meeting of the powerful council of states, comprising the current and former presidents.
Civil rights groups, opposition political parties, and Western countries oppose a later election date.
A small protest took place ahead of the meeting on Saturday by civil rights groups opposed to any postponement.
Police prevented them from entering the electoral commission headquarters in Abuja. Armed police began deploying to block roads leading to the building.
Adow tweeted the following image taken from outside the INEC offices:
The demonstrators say that the government has failed to secure the northeastern regions during its term in office and the six-week extension will do little else to improve the situation, interpreting this move as a stalling tactic by Jonathan.
An amalgamation of Nigeria civil society groups under the title Situation Room, issued a statement on Saturday stating that they were disappointed by Dasuk's move.
In the statement they said that "that this amounted to the Military's abdication of its constitutional duties to provide security to citizens and to the Commission to enable it conduct elections and appeared contrived to truncate the democratic process in Nigeria".
"Situation Room is further worried that the Military's position also aims to blackmail and arm-twist the Election Management Body away from its constitutional guaranteed function of conducting elections," the statement said.
The group also called for the resgination of the military chiefs on account of their " inability to exercise their constitutional responsibility".
The US has been urging Nigeria to press ahead with the voting.
US Secretary of State John Kerry visited Nigeria two weeks ago and said that "one of the best ways to fight back against Boko Haram" was by holding credible and peaceful elections, on time.
"It's imperative that these elections happen on time, as scheduled," Kerry said.
Polls indicate the northeastern vote leans strongly towards the opposition APC, favouring former military leader Muhammadu Buhari, rather than Jonathan.
Supporters of both sides are threatening violence if their candidate does not win. Some 800 people were killed in riots in the mainly Muslim north after Buhari, a Muslim, lost 2011 elections to Jonathan, a Christian from the south.
Analysts say the vote is too close to call, in the most tightly contested election since decades of military dictatorship ended in 1999.
Meanwhile, a major offensive with warplanes and ground troops from Chad and Nigeria has already forced the Boko Haram from a dozen towns and villages in the past 10 days.
Even greater military strikes by more countries are planned.
African Union officials were ending a three-day meeting on Saturday in Yaounde, Cameroon's capital, to finalise details of a a multinational force from Nigeria and its neighbours Chad, Cameroon, Benin and Niger.
"The representatives of Benin, Cameroon, Niger, Nigeria and Chad have announced contributions totalling 8,700 military personnel, police and civilians," the countries said in a statement after the meeting late on Saturday.
Boko Haram has responded with attacks on one town in Cameroon and two in Niger this week.
Officials said more than 100 civilians were killed and 500 wounded in Cameroon. Niger said about 100 fighters and one civilian died in attacks on Friday. Several security forces from both countries were killed.
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If you were given a "then or now" quiz in which you had to guess whether a given charity appeal was made today or 30 years ago, it could prove to be quite difficult.
The images of emaciated children staring at the ground, as poignant music plays in the background, have not changed - nor have inducements to give "just $3 a month".
Similarly, were it not for the bouffant hairstyles and shoulder pads featured in the original 1984 Band Aid video - in which a group of Western singers recorded a song to raise money for a famine in Ethiopia - it might be impossible to tell it apart from the group's 2014 reincarnation as Band Aid 30.
But not everything is the same. For instance, while the original Band Aid was widely lauded in the media, Band Aid 30 - formed to raise money to fight Ebola in West Africa - drew considerable backlash, largely from African commentators.
Liberia's Robtel Pailey criticised the appeal for proposing short-term fixes for structural problems. Al Jazeera published a range of critical responses under the headline "We got this, Bob Geldof, so back off".
Countless others logged on to Twitter to air their distaste at what they described as the pitying lyrics and white saviourism of the song "Do They Know It's Christmas", using hashtags such as #DoTheyKnowItsOffensive and #AfricansAgainstBandAid.
This may have been the most vocal pushback against a Western aid campaign to date, but it was far from the first.
For decades, non-governmental organisations have been criticised for portraying people in the global South as helpless and passive. In countless surveys, respondents have said they are sick of seeing guilt-tripping appeals. And since the 1980s, some NGOs have themselves subscribed to codes of conduct against using "pathetic images".
So why are such images still around? The answer, in short, is that they work.
Short-term success, long-term failure?
"A lot of people might say they're tired of seeing negative images," said Jennie York, team leader for individual giving and engagement at WaterAid, a London-based NGO that focuses on sanitation issues.
"But what we find when we attempt to fundraise in other ways is that people don't respond."
This is one of the major dilemmas faced by big NGOs today: They raise hundreds of millions of dollars in donations from the public each year, and rely on fundraising appeals for much of their finances - but what brings in money is not necessarily what they want to show.
"It's very tempting to put pictures of starving African children on TV, because whether or not we like it, that is what gets people to respond at the moment," explained Paul Vanags, head of fundraising for Oxfam.
"But we have to strive to do better than that, and that is always a live business issue for us."
In fact, for decades, many NGOs have been trying to move away from the old stereotypes, which have been accused of demeaning those depicted and of contributing to a decline in public trust.
However, according to some, the problem goes far deeper than the imagery used.
In 2011, the UK's Department for International Development funded a report that examined the public's engagement with issues such as global poverty.
The findings made for a sobering read.
The researchers observed while donations had increased, self-declared concern for global poverty was declining or static, while the public's understanding of the issue had barely increased since the 1980s.
This, the report suggested, was one of the legacies of short-term communications tactics used by NGOs and large celebrity-driven campaigns such as Band Aid and Live Aid. According to the report, the UK public still broadly believed that solving global poverty was a question of charity.
"Nobody believes you can solve global poverty with $5 a month, but that's what the rhetoric of NGOs was claiming," said Martin Kirk, former head of campaigns for Oxfam and co-author of the report.
"It was all short-term tactics and no long-term strategy. They were only worrying about how to get money out of people's pockets tomorrow, and not at all about where they wanted the public to be in five or 10 years."
A marketing mindset
In recent years, NGOs' fundraising arms have become increasingly dominated by people from marketing backgrounds, or are outsourced to professional advertisers. Kirk believes that while this may increase donations, it may do so at the expense of longer-term goals.
"If you take a marketing mindset and if your only metric of success is income, the goal will be to tap into what people already think and reinforce that, because that's what people will respond to," he told Al Jazeera.
"But if we keep implying that global poverty is something to be solved with paternalistic charity, we can never move the public to understand that these are man-made systemic problems that need long-term systemic actions."
According to Kirk, many NGO officials agree a new approach to discussing poverty is needed, but the need to fundraise has blocked any real change.
"'Charity' isn't just a concept that NGOs use to communicate - it is the heart of these incredibly successful businesses," he said.
That said, many fundraisers within charities do not see this lack of change as a problem.
For instance, Gemma Sherrington, director of new ventures and communities at Save the Children, told Al Jazeera: "We have a range of goals that differ depending on the campaign - and I don't think there's any contradiction between those goals."
'Things will simply have to change'
Meanwhile, NGOs are coming under increasing criticism from those in the global South who are unhappy with how their countries and people are portrayed. Unlike in the past, today's hyper-connected world has made it easier for people to speak out, as the reaction to Band Aid 30 made clear.
"Africa and other regions of the world have come late to global conversations, but the rise of the internet has given people a voice," said Chika Ezeanya, a Rwanda-based writer.
"They are starting to challenge simplistic narratives and negative stereotypes, and even Westerners now have access to better news. So when they see simplistic stereotypes, they sit back and think, 'something is wrong here' … Over time, and whether or not Western NGOs drive it, things will simply have to change."
The original Band Aid campaign helped to entrench the idea in the West that charity is the solution to global poverty. Ironically, the legacy of Band Aid 30 - and the backlash it provoked - could be the beginning of the end of this belief.
Follow James Wan on Twitter: @jamesjwan
As Nigerians prepare for presidential elections, the armed group Boko Haram, corruption and falling oil prices are some of the issues worrying Africa's most populous nation.
More than 90 percent of the country's revenues come from exporting oil. But oil has lost almost 60 percent of its value over the last six months.
However, Africa's biggest economy has managed to weather the economic storm created by plunging oil prices and currency devaluation: The central bank devalued the currency and raised interest rates in November.
It followed up by not raising interest rates any further, and has been burning through its cash reserves as well to prop up the currency.
So, what is the cost of Nigeria's high reliance on oil revenues? How are currency devaluation, falling oil prices, and rising inflation affecting ordinary Nigerians? And will President Goodluck Jonathan win the election?
Yvonne Ndege reports from Abuja on the impact of plunging oil prices.
Akpan Hogan Ekpo, the former director of the Nigerian Central Bank, who is also the director-general of the West African Institute for Financial and Economic Managment, joins the debate.
TTIP: The mother of all trade deals?
The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is a trade agreement to be negotiated between the European Union and the United States, forming what would be, in effect, the world's biggest trading bloc.
It could create millions of new jobs and increase trade by billions of dollars - a much needed stimulus for the global economy.
But many are not convinced and say it is undemocratic and will only increase the power of big business.
Laurence Lee brings a special report on the topic.
Beyond black gold
When oil prices are high, economies typically try to switch to alternative energy sources. But right now, prices are low, which should mean oil becomes more attractive.
But it seems even OPEC members are looking beyond black gold this time, as rising populations and increasing consumerism are leading to more energy consumption as a whole.
So is solar energy the way forward? Can solar power replace oil in the Middle East?
Vicente Lopez-Ibor Mayor, the chairman of Lightsource Renewable Energy, who was previously with the National Energy Commission of Spain, talks to Counting the Cost about alternatives energy.